A New FDA Tobacco Enforcement Guidance Lawsuit: AAP Déjà Vu All Over Again, or Not?
If you’re the FDA, you get sued when you enforce violations of the Tobacco Control Act (TCA) for selling e-cigarettes that haven’t received premarket authorization from FDA (see here), and you get sued when you don’t. Or rather, when you put out a Guidance saying you probably won’t enforce for a group of products that make it onto an FDA-maintained list.
That’s what a recently filed case is about, Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids v. FDA, No. 8:26-cv-2767 (D. Md., filed July 14, 2026). There, Tobacco-Free Kids, along with the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) and a slew of other medical and advocacy groups (and a few individuals) are suing to challenge a Guidance FDA issued in May 2026, Enforcement Priorities for Certain New Tobacco Products Without Premarket Authorization. That Guidance says that FDA “generally does not intend to prioritize enforcement of the premarket authorization requirement, where [an e-cigarette or nicotine pouch] product:
- is subject to an application that is pending, and the application has been accepted and filed or is subject to a supplemental application (sPMTA) that has been accepted and pending for more than 180 days; and
- for nontobacco-flavored ENDS products, if FDA has determined that the application also includes data necessary to evaluate whether such product is appropriate for the protection of the public health.”
Even if you do meet those criteria, FDA said, it may still enforce against you if there are other things of concern about your product, like a special appeal to children, high nicotine content, or large number of adverse events. And in any event, non-enforcement against you still is not “guaranteed.”
Importantly, FDA also said it “will create and maintain a public-facing webpage identifying manufacturers and their associated products that FDA generally does not intend to prioritize enforcement against.” If a manufacturer believes that its product should be listed on that FDA webpage, it should “reach out” to FDA to find out the specific information about the product that FDA wants to consider, which may include “cross-referenc[ing] specific section(s)” of the pending premarket application. FDA will update this list of products “on a rolling basis,” but FDA did not say when it will publish it. (For lack of a better term, we’ll call this the ‘Whitelist’).
Tobacco-Free Kids charge that this Guidance amounts to “an express and deliberate abdication of FDA’s responsibilities under the [TCA].” In short, the plaintiffs argue that the TCA provides that a product is illegal if it is marketed without FDA’s premarket authorization, and by effectively giving the green light to whole categories of products lacking that authorization, FDA is adopting “an extra-statutory, post-market review system for a significant category of new tobacco products.” The complaint further takes aim at the Whitelist, saying that FDA’s publication of that list will “facilitat[e]” the sale of unlawful products, and “in practice,” give “‘cover’ to the industry.” For this and other reasons, they say, the Guidance is illegal and should be vacated by the court, and FDA should be enjoined from implementing it or its intended Whitelist.
FDA’s Guidance justifies its policy, in short, by saying that those types of products, by virtue of having been “accepted and filed” by FDA and demonstrating that they have other “necessary data”, put them in a separate category from those FDA has refused to accept or file. FDA says by focusing enforcement on those latter products [and those that have not submitted premarket applications at all], FDA can “better allocate its enforcement resources,” which are limited.
Now let’s consider a few deeper questions.
Why the District of Maryland?
In a word, AAP. In 2018, AAP (and many of the same other plaintiffs here) successfully sued FDA in this district on a different FDA guidance expressing a tobacco non-enforcement policy. In a 2017 Guidance, FDA had announced that for products on the market before a certain date, it would not require those applications to be even submitted for five more years, before FDA would consider enforcement. FDA attempted to couch that decision as falling within the general legal principle (under the seminal 1985 case Heckler v. Chaney) that agency exercises of “enforcement discretion” are nonreviewable by courts, but Judge Grimm disagreed. AAP v. FDA, 379 F. Supp. 3d 461 (D. Md. 2019). He ruled that FDA’s policy wasn’t a simple exercise of enforcement discretion, but rather (quoting Chaney) that “the agency had consciously and expressly adopted a general policy that is so extreme as to amount to an abdication of its statutory responsibilities.” So Judge Grimm struck down that Guidance and set a much sooner deadline by which applications had to be submitted to FDA, and another effectively for FDA to act on them.
The Tobacco-Free Kids Plaintiffs make no bones about it: to them, this is just AAP déjà vu all over again, marking an “abdication” of FDA’s statutory responsibilities for the reasons above. And though Judge Grimm’s rulings aren’t binding precedent even in the District of Maryland, the Plaintiffs are likely betting that they’ll get the most serious consideration there.
Indeed, we agree that this case will most likely rise or fall on whether the court decides this Guidance falls on the AAP side of things, or is different enough.
What does DACA have to do with this? Or homeopathy?
After AAP was decided, the Supreme Court weighed in on a different non-enforcement policy: Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), an immigration relief program that allowed certain unauthorized immigrants who arrived in the U.S. as children to apply for a two-year forbearance of removal. In DHS v. Regents of Univ. of Cal., 591 U.S. 1 (2020), The Supreme Court held that both the implementation of that program, and its later attempted rescission, were judicially reviewable. While it reaffirmed the Chaney rule of non-reviewability of “enforcement discretion” decisions, the Court found it did not apply because DACA was not a mere “passive non-enforcement policy; it created a program for conferring affirmative immigration relief,” including establishing a process for individuals to apply for, receive review of, and obtain a formal notice of the two-year forbearance. The program also provided access to government benefits like Social Security and Medicare.
So here, the Plaintiffs might also argue that the 2026 Guidance is like the DACA program. In particular, they’d likely point to the Whitelist as more than mere passive non-enforcement: FDA apparently plans to solicit application-like information, review it, and then make determinations that are reflected in the published Whitelist.
The government would likely try to distinguish DACA as much as it can: it may argue there are no affirmative “benefits” attendant to making it on the Whitelist, just an indication of likely non-enforcement; and that the Guidance merely says it does not intend to “prioritize” enforcement of products that make it on its list, not offer them a full-on safe harbor, and that it reserves the right to pursue “case-by-case” enforcement.
And the government will likely make similar arguments in attempting to distinguish AAP: for example, while like AAP’s, this Guidance does draw broad categories of products against which FDA doesn’t intend to enforce, it is a more limited and less “across-the-board” set than the 2017 Guidance. It may also point to the distinction it has drawn – applications that have made it at least through FDA’s initial “acceptance” and “filing” reviews (and in the case of flavored ENDS, show other certain indications of public health appropriateness), as showing FDA is attempting to draw reasonable enforcement-priority lines within, rather than wholly abdicating, its TCA duties.
We also have to note that enforcement discretion is a tool FDA reaches for across the products it regulates in a variety of different circumstances — and this case once more presents thorny questions of how far an Agency can go in a formal announcement of a non-enforcement (or enforcement “priority”) policy before it leaves Chaney’s ambit. We won’t get into all of that here, but one can see similar judicial grappling in MediNatura, Inc. v. FDA, 496 F. Supp. 3d 416 (D.D.C. 2020) (finding an enforcement-related policy about homeopathic products reviewable, though not unlawful; decided after Regents).
Of course, all this discussion is mainly just about a threshold legal issue — whether a court can review the 2026 Guidance at all. FDA possibly could still lose on that, but win on the argument that the Guidance was not arbitrary and capricious or otherwise contrary to law on the various bases Plaintiffs have asserted. But in our estimation, that’s a relatively less likely outcome here: If a court finds the Guidance reviewable (say, because it abdicated FDA’s duties under the TCA), it wouldn’t be much of a leap for it to strike down the Guidance as violating those same duties. So the two issues will more likely rise or fall together.
What about standing?
FDA/DOJ often assert procedural defenses wherever they can, and they may have another one up their sleeve here: Article III standing. The government tried and lost on that issue in AAP, but that was before the Supreme Court’s Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine (2024) decision. In a portion of that ruling that received less outside attention, the Court drew much stricter lines around what is required to establish “organizational standing” — that is, when an organization can show that it has been harmed by a government policy in the requisite sense in order to sue. Because the lead plaintiffs here are medical and public health advocacy organizations, the government may try to use Alliance to argue they can’t sue in the first place. Probably for just this reason, the named Plaintiffs here also include two individuals: a pediatrician whose patients do or may vape/use nicotine pouches, and a mother of teenage sons that do or she fears will vape. For the government to prevail here on a standing argument, it would have to convince the court that neither of those individuals has standing either, on top of whatever standing issues the organizations may have. Time will tell whether the government will give that a try, and if so, how the court will resolve the standing issues.
Where might all this lead?
If FDA wins this case, and proceeds ahead, its Whitelist can be expected to be viewed by many — manufacturers, vendors, retailers, and perhaps state authorities — as an indication of products that may be sold without fear of running afoul of FDA. (Even though FDA says there are no guarantees and those are only its “priorities” . . . isn’t that reliance the point of the List in the first place?) If FDA loses, like in AAP, it will still be able to exercise case-by-case enforcement discretion. So a contrary ruling won’t necessarily mean that FDA must enforce against those products, but it would at least mean that FDA cannot have an explicit Guidance, accompanied by a formal Whitelist, saying it (probably) won’t.
And finally, since FDA regularly makes more- and less-formal announcements of exercises of its enforcement discretion, depending on how this case shakes out, it carries the potential for broader implications across FDA’s regulated industries beyond the facts of this case and Guidance.